Young, who has been called the greatest practical sociologist of the past century, pioneered the modern scientific exploration of the social lives of the English working class.
(Disclosure: I’m a grandson of his.) For a couple of generations afterward, these efforts at social reform both protected members of the working classes and allowed more of their children to make the move up the hierarchy of occupations and of income, and so, to some degree, of status.
The middle-class status of meagerly compensated librarians reflected a vocational requirement for an education beyond secondary school; that the better-paid assembly-line workers were working-class reflected the absence of such a requirement.
They may not call them an upper class, but the indices that populists use to define them – money, education, connections, power – would have picked out the old upper and upper-middle classes of the last century.
And Scott Morrison's revamped message will be just one of a storm of messages on Saturday night, whatever the outcome, attributing the outcome to the government's climate change policy, asylum seeker policy, the toppling of Malcolm Turnbull, voter disenchantment with the major parties, or a sea change in the electorate which is shifting to, or from, the left or right.
It is not as high risk, however, as the unprecedented unleashing of the most sensitive of foreign policy issues purely to capture a few votes of one particular community, which is the third message that our politicians should take out of this election, whatever the result.